Meeting in Carmarthen on Sunday, June 23

The second school is found away from the mainstream. On the face of it the writers say they are supportive of the Nicaraguan people. They usually remember fondly their time in the 1980s in Nicaragua during the revolution. Then they list their disappointment with the present Sandinista government, though any facts and figures of how the government has performed since returning to power in 2007 are rarely included.

What we usually have is the writer’s personal journey. It begins with the disappointment of losing the 1990 elections. It moves on to the next disappointment, the acrimonious splits within the ranks of the FSLN in the mid-90s, as the party struggled to come to terms with its defeat. They usually continue with the allegations of sexual abuse against Daniel Ortega by his step daughter, Zoilamerica. Then comes ‘el pacto‘ with the PLC – the Liberals – as the Sandinistas agreed on power sharing arrangements in return for changes in the constitution which lowered the winning threshold for first round victories in the Presidential elections. They usually conclude with the election results since 2008, which have been ‘fixed’ by the Frente.

The final source of disappointment appears in both mainstream and alternative media on a regular basis. The Sandinistas supported the Bolanos government’s proposal to ban therapeutic abortion, which went before the Nicaraguan Parliament a week before the 2006 elections, after massive mobilisation by the Catholic and evangelical churches.

Pic: Sioned Haf

A further variation is a form of reporting which is ‘episodic’, painting a picture of life (usually in Managua, as the reporters rarely travel further afield), which then includes swipes at the government. A recent example was by Michael Kelly, which appeared on, amongst other places, the radical website ZNet (see here for The Watchmen, the Hunters and Gatherers and the Street Vendors). Even more recent, and even worse, was a blog post by Javier Farje, editor at the Latin America Bureau and former BBC World Service journalist (see here for the post and comments). A long list of the shortcomings of the FSLN is balanced by one sentence – “Ortega’s government is implementing some of the region’s most progressive policies for the use of renewable energy, and poverty has fallen during his government” – buried in the last paragraph of the post.

The allegations by Zoilamerica are serious, and have never been adequately dealt with, but the FSLN continued to choose Ortega as their candidate. Regarding the other charges, after the collapse of the Revolution the FSLN leaders would have had to have been super-human not to descend into a bitter dispute. Despite the unpleasantness of doing a deal with Aleman, it was shown to be correct as a political strategy, allowing the FSLN to regain power six years ago. This enabled them to join the ALBA, and promote a programme of pro-poor policies, which saw their vote jump to 62% in the Presidential elections in 2011. The accusations of fraud fail to mention that this was roughly what the polls were predicting, and where FSLN support remains since the elections. Therapeutic abortion needs to be re-instated, but nowhere is there serious consideration of how this can be achieved given the continued power of the church in Nicaragua, and the majority support there is for the law at the moment.

This lack of weighing the record of the Sandinistas – both their achievements and their failings – leads to an overwhelming bias against the present FSLN government. Some of this may be personal, not liking the fact that Daniel Ortega still leads the Frente. Some of it may be political, a genuine disagreement about what direction the party should have taken which led to the MRS splitting from the Frente in the mid 90s. However, much of it has to do with that many former supporters haven’t got over the fact that the Revolution was overturned in 1990; that all sorts of ‘dirty’ compromises were done in order to regain power (see our recent blog here which looked at the matter);, and that the Sandinistas have come to an accommodation with their national capitalists as they seek to rebuild the country after sixteen years of disasterous neo-liberalism, and seek to pursue pro-poor programmes.

There do exist descriptions of what the Sandinistas have achieved since returning to power (see here for an end of year round up for 2012). A full list would run to several pages. To take just two examples. Nicaragua announced in the past fortnight that it has cut child malnutrition from 27% in 2004 to 11.6% this year. Together with the integrated programmes that it has developed to kick-start the rural economy after the fallow years of the Washington Concensus, no wonder that it is held up by organisations like the FAO as an example of what food sovereignty can achieve.

Pic: Sioned Haf

The progress in the energy sector has been no less remarkable. All that successive right wing governments achieved by 2007 was 12 hour electricity outages for most of the country. This was not only inconvenient, it also took it’s toll on businesses large and small, on children’s education, and on people’s health. The Sandinistas solved the crisis within the year, with the aid of Venezuela. They have since developed a bold plan which has made Nicaragua one of the world leaders in moving to renewables, with 50% of the electricity supply coming from wind, solar, hydro and geo-thermal. With other developments coming on stream (the not least of which is the Tumarin dam – not without its problems), Nicaragua is looking forward to getting 90% of it’s electricity from renewables by 2017. This would be a remarkable feat for a developed country with a strong commitment to de-carbonising the economy. That Nicaragua – the second poorest country in the Americas – has achieved it is nothing short of a miracle.

Two excellent analyses have recently appeared. The first helps put Nicaragua in the context of developments in Latin America. The second looks at how the governments of the FMLN in El Salvador and the FSLN in Nicaragua have fared.

Steve Ellner’s Radical Left in Power in Latin America (see here) sweeps through the last decade (and more) of the Left on the continent. It identifies all the main streams of thought, the different governments and their relations, the nation building and the creation of a continent wide force to challenge US hegemony. It rejects the Good Left/Bad Left dichotomy. Ellner says:

The debate over the ‘good left’-'bad left’ theses needs to be framed along different lines. Even if the premise of the two-left thesis regarding the basic similarities of the ‘left’ governments is accepted, the theory is fundamentally flawed. Regardless of the degree of diversity… the two-left thesis is simplistic because it ignores the complexity of the challenges they face.

The Twenty First Century Left in El Savador and Nicaragua: Understanding Apparent Contradicitons and Criticisms, doesn’t duck the problems and failings of the governments of Presidents Funes and Ortega. But the paper- by Hector Perla Jr and Hector Cruz Feliciano – in the March edition of Latin American Perspectives, gives a thoughtful description of what has been achieved by the respective governments. It leaves to Orlando Nunez, veteran Sandinista and one of the instigators of the Zero Hunger programme, to describe the road the FSLN in following:

The victory of the Sandinista Front means, in the first place, the containment of neoliberalism and the end of neoliberal measures. Secondly, it means conquering sovereignty in the face of U.S. and European meddling. . . . In the third place, the construction of citizens’ power, as a means of restoring citizen rights, . . . means the possibility of revolutionizing representative democracy, overcoming its limitations through direct democracy. In the fourth place, but no less important, it means the associative and self-managed organization of workers and small and medium-sized producers through cooperatives and federations . . . with the purpose of recovering the surpluses drained by the market and increasingly participating in the management of the state and the market. We believe these four elements to be sufficient to talk about revolutionary struggle in any country of Latin America or the Third World.

You will spend the first three nights in the capital, Managua, a sprawling, chaotic, vibrant city. You will have the chance to settle in, meet with community organisations, social movements and trade unions, to get up to speed on the country.

Then you fly to Bluefields, on Nicaragua’s Caribbean Coast. It’s a world away from Managua, much poorer but much more laid back. You’ll hear Creole and Spanish on the streets, with a smattering of Rama and Miskitu.

You’ll spend five nights there, including a boat ride through the rainforest up to Pearl Lagoon. You’ll be able to see how people on the Coast are struggling for autonomy and their languages, as well as taking in visits to innovative community music and food projects.

Then it’s back to Managua for a night, and finally on to Granada for some relaxation. Granada is Nicaragua’s most picturesque city, with outstanding architecture, on the shores of Lake Cocibolca, and in the shadow of the Mombacho Volcano. There will also be a chance to take in the spectacular view of the Apoyo volcanic lagoon. Also, for the first time, we will be visiting the rural community of El Largatillo, to stay with families for several nights.

Your total cost for the fortnight is £500, which includes all accommodation, food and travel within the country. You will also have to pay your airfare – currently tickets are between £600 and £700, and we can help with booking.

We will also be organising a preparation day for the group before the journey. This will help you get the most out of your visit. ¡Buen viaje!

For more information contact Wales Nicaragua Solidarity Campaign, Tŷ Iorwerth, Ffordd y Sir, Penygroes, Gwynedd LL54 6ES. 01286 882134, benica@gn.apc.org

Pum noson fyddwch chi yn eu treulio yma, a chewch y siawns i fynd mewn cwch drwy fforest  law i Pearl Lagoon. Cewch weld sut mae pobl yr Arfordir yn brwydro dros eu hieithoedd a hunan lywodraeth, yn ogystal ag ymweld â phrosiectau cerdd a bwyd arloesol.

Nôl i Managua wedyn am noson, ac yna i Granada i ymlacio! Granada yw dinas harddaf Nicaragua, gyda phensaerniaeth eithriadol ar lannau Llyn Cocibolca, ac yng nghysgod llosgfynydd Momatombo. Bydd cyfle hefyd i fwynhau golygfeydd trawiadol lagŵn folcanaidd Apoyo. Am y tro cyntaf hefyd byddwn ni’n ymweld a’r pentref gwledig El Largatillo, i aros gyda theuluoedd.

Y costau am y bythefnos gyfan yw £500, sydd yn cynnwys llety, bwyd a theithio o fewn y wlad. Bydd angen talu am y tocyn awyren hefyd. Ar hyn o bryd, maent rhwng £600 a £700, a gallwn helpu i’w archebu.

Byddwn hefyd yn trefnu dydd paratoi i’r grŵp cyn y daith. Bydd hyn o gymorth i chi gael y budd mwyaf o’r ymweliad. ¡ Buen viaje!

Am ragor o wybodaeth, cysylltwch ag Ymgyrch Gefnogi Nicaragua Cymru, Tŷ Iorwerth, Ffordd y Sir, Penygroes, Gwynedd. LL54 6ES. 01286 882 134, benica@gn.apc.org

Llun: Haf Elgar

O’n i ddim yn disgwyl clywed am unrhyw drwbl neu anghydfod mawr cymdeithasol yn y Caribî. Wedi’r cwbl, dyma le mae pobl yn eistedd yn yr haul trwy’r dydd, yn pendwmpian i gerddoriaeth reggae, yn wenau i gyd tra’n hyfed dŵr o goconyts a bwydo ar gyflenwad ddi-ddiwedd o fangos. Dyna beth wnaeth hysbysebion 80au ‘Lilt’ neud i fi feddwl beth bynnag. Ond, dim perffaith yw popeth Caribïaidd.

Bues i’n rhan o ddirprwyaeth i Nicaragua ym mis Chwefror eleni. Rhwng Costa Rica a Honduras yng Nghanolbarth America mae Nicaragua. Mae dirprwyaeth Ymgyrch Cefnogi Cymru-Nicaragua wedi bod yn ymweld gyda’r wlad ers dechrau’r 1980au. Pwrpas ymweliadau’r grŵp hwn dros y degawdau diwethaf yw i ddangos cefnogaeth i weledigaeth sosialaidd ymgyrchwyr gwleidyddol y wlad ac i gwrdd â grwpiau ymgyrchu, grwpiau hawliau a mentrau cymdeithasol a chydweithredol. Pwrpas ychwanegol y grŵp yw annog ymwelwyr newydd o Gymru i ddod ar y daith i ddeall hanes a chymdeithaseg y wlad – a’u hysbrydoli i ddatblygu syniadau gweithredol er budd cymdeithasol Cymru.

Roedd dirprwyaeth 2013 yn cynnwys sawl un person sy’n aelod o Gymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg. Roedd yna chwilfrydedd naturiol gan y criw i ddeall mwy ar hawliau diwylliannol ac ieithyddol Nicaragua – ac yn nwyrain y wlad, ar yr arfordir Caribî, bwydwyd y diddordeb hwn.

Mae yna sawl iaith frodorol yn ne-ddwyrain Nicaragua – ardal awtonomi de’r Atlantig – Region Autonoma del Atlantico Sur- sydd ar yr arfordir Caribî. Maent yn cynnwys Miskito, Rama, Sumo, Creole a hyd yn oed Saesneg. Er y nifer o ieithoedd ‘lleiafrifol’ hyn, Sbaeneg yw unig iaith swyddogol Nicaragua. Fel yng Nghymru, mae gan yr ardal hon elfen o hunanlywodraeth. Fel yng Nghymru,mae yna hefyd ymdeimlad cryf o hunaniaeth. Ers 1987, cafodd pobloedd brodorol ethnig a disgynyddion Affricanaidd y Caribî yn y rhan hon o Nicaragua eu cydnabod yn swyddogol, a cham wrth gam, mae’r rhanbarth unigryw yma yn ennill mwy a mwy o hawliau dros dir, addysg, ag iaith.

Yn y trefi ymwelon ni a hwy -  Bluefields a Pearl Lagoon – Creole, Sbaeneg a Miskito oedd yr ieithoedd roeddwn yn tueddu ei glywed. Mae pob un o’r ieithoedd gyda chysylltiadau hanesyddol  amrywiol fel gellir ei weld yn y darlun isod a welon ni ym mwyty bach y Queen Lobster oedd yn estyn mas i ganol y lagŵn.

Yn Pearl Lagoon, cyfarfodon ni â Donna Hammond Williams, un o drefnwyr brwdfrydig grŵp datblygu cymdeithasol lleol. Gyda hi, dyma ni’n siarad gyda thair merch ifanc yn y gymuned am eu gwaith yn codi ymwybyddiaeth i gyfiawnder rhyw, cyfiawnder hinsawdd a’r argyfwng HIV ac AIDS yn y gymuned. Fe gawsom ni gipolwg ar ddeall sut oedd hi i fod yn ifanc ac yn byw ar yr arfordir Atlantig.

Roedd y tair yma a Donna yn amlwg falch o’u hunaniaeth Atlantig. Ond er hyn, datgelwyd bod yna stigma mawr i’r iaith Creole. Mae’n cael ei weld fel iaith israddol, ac yn un ni ddylid ei ddefnyddio mewn sefyllfaoedd swyddogol a pharchus fel yn yr eglwys leol. Roedd cwestiynau ymgyrchwyr Cymdeithas yr Iaith yn sbarduno Donna a’r merched lleol i drafod a chwestiynu mwy ar y sefyllfa eu mamiaith nhw yn eu cymuned. Mae’n dangos sut gall siarad am y materion yma sbarduno syniadau, dealltwriaeth ehangach a gweledigaethau newydd. Mae yna ymgyrchoedd yn mynd yn eu blaen yma hefyd. Mae’r Brifysgol gymunedol lleol yn rhedeg cyrsiau amlieithog yn y ieithoedd lleiafrifol yma. Mae’r Bluefields Soundsystem yn galluogi pobl ifanc yr ardal i ganu yn Creole a Miskito a cyfansoddi cerddoriaeth gyda dylanwad etifeddiaeth reggae arni, ac mae cymdeithasau lleol eraill yn hybu iaith a diwylliant y rhan hon o’r wlad. Diweddon ni’r cyfarfod yn Pearl Lagoon gyda cân Creole gan y merched, a can Miskitu gan y Rector oedd wedi bod yn eistedd yn dawel bach a hapus ei fyd yng nghornel yr ystafell  trwy’r cyfarfod. I fod yn foneddigaidd…canon ni Fflat Huw Puw yn ôl (gyda phedwar harmoni gyda’r llaw! ).

Mae’n amlwg bod materion iaith a diwylliannol yn treiddio trwy bob cymuned, ac mae’r ymweliad yma yn pwysleisio hynny. Pan bo chi’n rhan o ddiwylliant a’i lleiafrifwyd mewn un lle o’r byd, hawdd yw deall yr herion sydd yn gwynebu lleiafrifoedd eraill y glôb. Mae’r  ymgyrch ddiwylliannol-ieithyddol yn ymgyrch leol, cymunedol i bob un ardal – ydi. Ond mae’n ymgyrch rhyngwladol, ac yn rhywbeth sydd yn gyffredin i gymunedau niferus hyd a lle y byd. Felly, pan fyddwch yn ymgyrchu dros yr hawl i fyw yn eich iaith frodorol chi yng Nghymru y tro nesaf, clywch curiad y reggae, teimlwch wres y trofannau a cofiwch am gymunedau Creole, Miskito, Rama a Sumo Nicaragua yn cyd alw am union yr un hawl sylfaenol ddiwylliannol a ieithyddol yn y Caribî. Ffordd rhad o gadw’n dwym mewn Rali Cymdeithas yr Iaith yn ein hinsawdd tymhorol ni.

With the Fairtrade Wales annual conference in Swansea on the horizon (see here for details), a member of the Campaign’s delegation to Nicaragua in February has written of her experience.

Haf Elgar has written a post on the Fairtrade Wales blog (see here). In Lessons from Nicaragua she describes a visit to farmers in San Benito, part of an Accion Medica Cristiana project. She speaks about a meeting with Santiago Dolmus of CECOCAFEN, one of the co-operative organisations that supports many small co-ops in the country. To finish, she details the discussions with Pedro Haslam, Minister for Community, Co-operatives and the Associative Economy (we have written before on the blog about Pedro – see soy puro pinolero).

Gyda chyfarfod blynyddol Cymru Masnach Deg yn Abertawe ar y gorwel (gweler fan hyn am y manylion), mae aelod o ddirprwyaeth yr Ymgyrch ym mis Chwefror wedi ysgrifennu am ei phrofiad.

Mae Haf Elgar wedi ysgrifennu post ar gyfer blog Cymru Masnach Deg (gweler fan hyn). Yn Lessons from Nicaragua mae hi’n disgrifio ymweld a ffermwyr yn San Benito, rhan o brosiect Accion Medica Cristiana. Mae hi’n siarad am y cyfarfod gyda Santiago Dolmus o CECOCAFEN, un o’r mudiadau cydweithredol sy’n cefnogi llawer o’r cydweithfeydd bach yn y wlad. I orffen, mae hi’n manylu ar y drafodaeth gyda Pedro Haslam, Gweinidog dros Gymunedau, Cydweithfeydd a’r Economi Cydweithredol (‘rydym wedi ysgrifennu o’r  blaen am Pedro ar ein blog – gweler soy puro pinolero).

In interviews with Nobel Prize winner Rigoberta Menchu and journalist Allan Nairn on Democracy Now! last Wednesday, the pair outline the case against Rios Montt and the reaction in Guatemala (see here). With this latest development (which again could see Rios Montt found guilty), it underlines how reactionary the judiciary has been in Latin America, siding with dictators throughout the continent. Little wonder that one of the first things that countries like Venezuela, Bolivia and Ecuador have done is organise a Constitutional Convention which overhauls the role of the courts.

In another blow for the mad men of the military, Uruguay has convicted General Miguel Dalmao for crimes under that country’s dictatorship. The hat trick was rounded off by the death of former Argentinian military President Jorge Rafael Videla. He died in jail, serving a fifty year sentence for kidnapping children. In reality this was the tip of the iceberg. Upwards of 30,000 people were murdered or disappeared in Argentina’s Dirty War (see here for Amnesty’s view on his passing).

It is interesting that all these convictions have emanated from within Latin American countries’ judicial processes themselves. International bodies such as the International Criminal Court (which seems to only target African dictators – see here for a piece by George Monbiot) or International Criminal Tribunals deal only with small, weak nations or the current members of the United States list of cartoon cutout baddies (however real the crimes that some of these have committed). Whole swathes of genocidists, including a long line of Latin American dictators, and the two major war criminals of the modern era – Bush and Blair – are off limits.

Apolo Santana, long time campaigner with the Clwyd Latin America Human Rights Group, praised the Rios Montt verdict. “The verdict could open the door for future charges against officials involved in atrocities during Guatemala’s 36 year civil was,” he said. “Justice is slow but eventually arrives.”

Like many of his follow Latin Americans, Apolo did not mourn the death of Rafael Videla. “The brutality of his regime was such that not even pregnant women escaped death, having their babies “adopted” by members of the military. Argentina’s military barracks became centres for torture and disappearance of thousands of people. Videla and his “buddies” (Galtieri, Massera, Agosti, Viola) ran the country until 1981 using the military and the secret police to repress any attempt of resistance to their rule. At the age of 87, this monster died unrepentant of his crimes and took full responsibility for his army’s actions during his rule, saying, “I accept the responsibility as the highest military authority during the internal war. My subordinates followed my orders”.”

In fact, the alternative institutions of Latin America and the Caribbean continue to be strengthened. In Nicaragua the Parliament has passed an Act concerning trade with Venezuela within the ALBA framework. The co-ordinating committee of CELAC (the Community of Latin American States -the new Organisations of American States without the United States and Canada) met this week in Havana to continue its work of developing the organisation. Has it been hi-jacked by the Left? Hardly. The ‘Troika’ of three countries which share the main organising duties at the moment are Cuba, Chile and Costa Rica. The only two things these countries have in common is the same letter of the alphabet, and a desire to become increasingly independent of the malign influence of their Northernly neighbours. The rest is up for discussion within CELAC.

And have the organisations more closely associated with Venezuela gone into a tailspin since President Maduro replaced Hugo Chavez? Last weekend there was a meeting in Caracas which has seen Petrocaribe expand. It is the solidarity organisation which offers Venezuelan oil on favourable terms, on condition that some countries use the savings for development. The US Nicaragua Network reported the meeting thus:

The presidents and prime ministers of the countries that are members of Petrocaribe met in Caracas on Sunday, May 5, and agreed to form an economic zone which would “develop productive sectors in the participating countries.” Petrocaribe is an association of nations that purchase petroleum from Venezuela on favorable terms which allow them to invest in anti-poverty and development projects. The members of Petrocaribe are: Nicaragua, Antigua and Barbuda, Bahamas, Belize, Cuba, Dominica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Granada, Guyana, Honduras, the Dominican Republic, Haití, Jamaica, San Cristobal and Nieves, St. Vincent and the Grenadines, Santa Lucia, and Suriname. Honduras and Guatemala were admitted as full members of Petrocaribe at this meeting. Upon arriving in Caracas on Saturday night, President Daniel Ortega said that a major development pole was being strengthened and consolidated in Latin America and the Caribbean around Petrocaribe and the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our Americas (ALBA).

Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro told Petrocaribe members that while the right wing expresses hopes that Petrocaribe will end, “Petrocaribe is just consolidating itself and getting stronger.” He predicted that the new economic zone, which will include “energy stability, financial stability and strengthened investment … will permit us to develop together.” He noted, “As [late President Hugo] Chavez said, in the past petroleum was an instrument of domination and now it has been converted into an instrument of liberation.”

In some ways understanding analysis of what is happening in Latin America, in Nicaragua and other countries of the ALBA, becomes more difficult, as their development models diverge more and more from our own experience of attacks on public services and living standards, under the cloak of austerity.

Two recent contributions look at what is happening in this context, one which looks at Nicaragua, the other the whole continent. In ‘Beyond Theory – the practice of building socialism in Latin America‘ – toni solo and Jorge Capelan give their usual robust and combative opinion of what is happening, and why many analysts from outside of Nicaragua and the region are getting it wrong. The article examines why the Sandinista government has maintained a working relationship with capitalists both within and outside the country, whilst at the same time moving the country towards socialism. It gives short shrift to the idea of a ‘pink Left’, and the idea that the experiments within the countries of the ALBA, but also within other countries in Latin America, are now beyond concepts of ‘Left’ and ‘Right’.

It is useful to read Beyond Theory in conjunction with another continent wide analysis, this time from the introduction of a new book, Latin America’s Turbulent Transitions: the future of 21st Century Socialism. In the introduction posted this week on Alborada, it describes the development of socialism in Latin America, in Cuba in the 60s, Chile under Allende, and Nicaragua in the 80s, and in more detail the events of the last decade or so.

Though the writers of Beyond Theory would disagree with some of the conclusions of the introduction (and at least one of the book’s authors, Roger Burbach, has been scathing about the new Sandinista government), there is also considerable overlap, coming from analysts from within the continent. With the defeat of the Left in Latin America by the end of the 80s, the re-construction needed was not only political, but economic. The ‘Lost Decade in Latin America’ to neo-liberalism was in reality nearly 30 years of attacks on ordinary people. The book sums this up in a nutshell:

The Brazilian political scientist Emir Sader, in his 2011 book The New Mole: Paths of the Latin American Left, argues that the setback for socialism was so severe that it is still recuperating to this day. Socialism can be part of the agenda, but the priority must be on forming governments and political coalitions to dismantle neoliberalism, even if that means accepting the broader capitalist system for the time being.

Sader made similar points in an earlier article (see here) where he charted developments in individual countries, and the push for regional integration. As all the pieces above point out in their different ways, to understand the pace and direction of change today in Latin America, and in countries like Nicaragua, we need to remember where they’re starting from, not where we want them to be in the future.